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Titolo:
Syntactic and semantic factors in processing gender agreement in Hebrew: Evidence from ERPs and eye movements
Autore:
Deutsch, A; Bentin, S;
Indirizzi:
Hebrew Univ Jerusalem, Sch Educ, IL-91905 Jerusalem, Israel Hebrew Univ Jerusalem Jerusalem Israel IL-91905 -91905 Jerusalem, Israel
Titolo Testata:
JOURNAL OF MEMORY AND LANGUAGE
fascicolo: 2, volume: 45, anno: 2001,
pagine: 200 - 224
SICI:
0749-596X(200108)45:2<200:SASFIP>2.0.ZU;2-Y
Fonte:
ISI
Lingua:
ENG
Soggetto:
SUBJECT-VERB AGREEMENT; EVENT-RELATED POTENTIALS; BRAIN POTENTIALS; ELECTROPHYSIOLOGICAL EVIDENCE; AMBIGUITY RESOLUTION; ARGUMENT STRUCTURE; LEXICAL DECISION; SENTENCE CONTEXT; POSITIVE SHIFT; LANGUAGE;
Keywords:
gender agreement; eye movements; ERP; P600; N400;
Tipo documento:
Article
Natura:
Periodico
Settore Disciplinare:
Social & Behavioral Sciences
Citazioni:
54
Recensione:
Indirizzi per estratti:
Indirizzo: Deutsch, A Hebrew Univ Jerusalem, Sch Educ, IL-91905 Jerusalem, Israel Hebrew Univ Jerusalem Jerusalem Israel IL-91905 salem, Israel
Citazione:
A. Deutsch e S. Bentin, "Syntactic and semantic factors in processing gender agreement in Hebrew: Evidence from ERPs and eye movements", J MEM LANG, 45(2), 2001, pp. 200-224

Abstract

The interrelation between syntactic analysis of agreement and semantic processing was examined by recording eye movements and event-related potentials. Subject-predicate gender agreement was manipulated within Hebrew sentences. The subject was either animate or inanimate, with conceptual gender denoted by the subject's morphological structure. First-pass reading time was found ro be longer for incongruent predicates than of congruent predicates but only if the predicate's gender was morphologically marl,ed. Furthermore, this effect was larger in the animate than in the inanimate condition. Second-pass reading time was also prolonged by gender incongruity but this effect was nor affected by either markedness or animacy. Gender incongruity enhanced the amplitude of an early negative potential (ostensibly ELAN), of a later negative potential (N400). and of a positive potential (P600). Likefirst-pass reading time, the congruity effect on the syntactically modulated P600 was significant only for marked predicates, but it did nor interactwith animacy. In contrast, thr congruity effect on the semantically modulated N400 was significant only in the animate condition. The N400 was not affected by markedness. The congruity effect on the early negativity did not interact with either animacy or markedness. The interaction between semantic and syntactic processing and its time course are discussed within the framework, set by interactive, constraint-based models for online sentence processing. (C) 2001 Academic Press.

ASDD Area Sistemi Dipartimentali e Documentali, Università di Bologna, Catalogo delle riviste ed altri periodici
Documento generato il 21/09/20 alle ore 12:58:40